By Wang Hengwen
王恒文
Recently, Itsunori Onodera, chairman of the LDP's policy research council, stated that Japan is willing to bear certain costs to continue using the military training grounds located on the US overseas territory of Tinian Island. This is the second time Japan has proposed the long-term deployment of forces on US soil, following a statement in September by Japan's current Prime Minister, Shigeru Ishiba, expressing a desire to establish a training base for the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the US.
近期,日本自民黨政策調(diào)查會長小野寺五典稱,日本愿意承擔(dān)一定費用以持續(xù)使用位于美國海外領(lǐng)地天寧島上的軍事訓(xùn)練場。這是繼今年9月日本現(xiàn)任首相石破茂表示希望在美國建立自衛(wèi)隊訓(xùn)練基地后,日本又一次提出在美國土地上長期部署部隊。
Analysts believe that, according to the provisions of the Japan-US Security Treaty and the US-Japan Status of Forces Agreement, their alliance is not an equal relationship. Recently, Japan has deviated from its usual stance, attempting to break the constraints imposed by the two aforementioned documents. It aims to adjust the Japan-US alliance through a "small steps, fast pace" approach, seeking equality between the two sides. However, considering various factors, this goal is difficult to achieve.
分析人士認(rèn)為,根據(jù)《日美安保條約》和《日美地位協(xié)定》相關(guān)規(guī)定,日美同盟關(guān)系并不對等。日本最近一反常態(tài),試圖突破上述兩個文件限制,意在通過“小步快跑”的方式,調(diào)整日美同盟關(guān)系,尋求雙方對等。然而,綜合多方面因素來看,這一目標(biāo)難以實現(xiàn)。
This June, the US military proposed a plan to relocate nearly half of the US forces currently stationed in Okinawa to Guam, Hawaii, and the US mainland. The US military's adjustment of its force deployment appears, on the surface, to be aimed at reducing the burden on the local population in Okinawa. In reality, it shifts more of the defense burden of the risk-prone first island chain onto Japan. In response, Japan is fully aware of the situation. The recent calls from Japanese politicians for the deployment of JSDF troops in the US are, in fact, expressions of dissatisfaction with the US military's relocation plan.
今年6月,美國軍方擬定了一項計劃,將把目前駐扎沖繩美軍的近一半兵力轉(zhuǎn)移至關(guān)島、夏威夷和美國本土。美軍的此番兵力部署調(diào)整,表面上是為“減輕沖繩當(dāng)?shù)孛癖娯?fù)擔(dān)”,實則是將風(fēng)險較大的第一島鏈防務(wù)壓力更多甩給日本。對此,日方心知肚明,日本政客近期接連要求在美國部署部隊的背后,就是在表達(dá)對美軍“大搬遷”的不滿。
On November 11, the National Diet of Japan held a special parliamentary session to elect the prime minister. Shigeru Ishiba, president of the Liberal Democratic Party, narrowly secured re-election as Prime Minister after two rounds of voting in the House of Representatives, avoiding the fate of becoming Japan's shortest-serving Prime Minister after WWII. However, Shigeru Ishiba faces numerous challenges in his future governance. In addition to having to address Japan's long-standing domestic economic and livelihood issues, his cabinet will inevitably encounter obstruction from opposition parties when making policy decisions and implementing measures. Against this backdrop, Shigeru Ishiba's emphasis on striving for an equal status with the US also reflects a desire to project a strong image, with the aim of boosting domestic support.
11月11日,日本國會舉行首相指名選舉,自民黨總裁石破茂在眾議院投票中歷經(jīng)兩輪角逐涉險過關(guān)保住首相之位,避免了淪為二戰(zhàn)后日本最“短命”首相的命運。然而,石破茂未來的執(zhí)政道路面臨重重困難,除了不得不面對日本國內(nèi)長期積累的經(jīng)濟民生問題,其內(nèi)閣在決策施政時也必然遭到來自在野黨的阻撓。在此背景下,石破茂強調(diào)要對美爭取平等地位,也有展現(xiàn)強硬形象,從而提升國內(nèi)支持率的考量。
Shigeru Ishiba has declared that he will push for the revision of the Japan-US Security Treaty, aiming to elevate the Japan-US relationship to a more equal alliance, similar to the one between the UK and the US. In recent years, the US has become fixated on the so-called great power competition and has actively eased military restrictions on Japan, granting it more autonomy within the alliance framework. From allowing Japan to produce the Patriot missiles, to announcing the restructuring of the US military command in Japan, and even permitting the maintenance of large US vessels in Japan, the US government's various tacit approvals and concessions have led Japan to develop an illusion of Japan-US equality.
石破茂宣稱,將推動修改《日美安保條約》,把日美關(guān)系升級為與英美關(guān)系類似的對等同盟。近年來,美國執(zhí)迷所謂“大國競爭”,主動對日進(jìn)行軍事松綁,在同盟架構(gòu)中賦予其更多自主權(quán)。從同意日本生產(chǎn)“愛國者”導(dǎo)彈,到宣布重組駐日美軍司令部,再到允許美國大型艦艇在日本進(jìn)行維修……美國政府的種種默許和縱容,讓日本產(chǎn)生了“日美平等”的幻覺。
However, an illusion is ultimately just an illusion. There are essential differences between the defense relations between the US and the UK and between the US and Japan. The US and the UK are culturally similar, with their "special relationship" rooted in the anti-Fascist alliance of WWII. The level of mutual trust between the two far exceeds that of the US-Japan relationship. In contrast, Japan, as the culprit of the Pacific War and a defeated nation in WWII, has long been under the surveillance of the US. Although the US views Japan as a vanguard in implementing the so-called Indo-Pacific Strategy, it has never let down its guard. Ironically, the location Shigeru Ishiba proposed for the long-term deployment of the JSDF, Tinian Island, was the very site from which US B-29 bombers took off to drop atomic bombs on Japan at the end of WWII. Japan's focus on this island is likely to make the US more wary of its intentions.
不過,幻覺終究是幻覺。美英與美日防務(wù)關(guān)系有著本質(zhì)區(qū)別。美英在文化上相近,雙方的“特殊關(guān)系”建立在二戰(zhàn)時期的反法西斯同盟基礎(chǔ)上,二者的互信程度遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于日美關(guān)系。反觀日本,作為太平洋戰(zhàn)爭“元兇”和二戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)敗國,長期以來都是美國的“監(jiān)管對象”。美國雖然將日本視為推行所謂“印太戰(zhàn)略”的馬前卒,但從未放下戒心。頗為諷刺的是,小野寺五典提出希望長期派駐自衛(wèi)隊的天寧島,正是二戰(zhàn)末期美軍B-29轟炸機對日本投放原子彈時的起飛地點。日本圍繞該島做文章,極可能讓美方對其更加警惕。
In addition, with Donald Trump winning the US presidential election, he will likely continue the approach from his first term, adopting a more assertive stance toward allies. Taking all these factors into consideration, Japan's pursuit of an equal alliance with the US is unlikely to succeed. Its proposal to permanently deploy the JSDF on US soil is merely a rhetorical gesture and its so-called demand for equality is destined to remain a fleeting illusion.
此外,特朗普在美國總統(tǒng)大選中獲勝,他上任后大概率會延續(xù)其第一任期的做法,對盟友采取更加強勢的姿態(tài)。綜合種種因素,日本謀求日美對等同盟關(guān)系難以如愿,提出在美國土地上長期部署自衛(wèi)隊不過是逞口舌之快,其所謂“平等”的要求也注定是鏡花水月。